Archiwum
Republic Day Cooperative Republic of Gujana
To answer the PNC allegation that the existing electoral system unduly favoured the South Asian community, the British government introduced for the elections of December 1964 a new system of proportional representation. Thereafter the PNC and a smaller, more conservative party formed a coalition government, led by Burnham, which took the colony into independence under its new name, Guyana, on May 26, 1966. The PNC gained full power in the general election of 1968, which was characterized by questionable rolls of overseas voters and widespread claims of electoral impropriety. On February 23, 1970, Guyana was proclaimed a cooperative republic within the Commonwealth. A president was elected by the National Assembly, but Burnham retained executive power as prime minister. Burnham declared his government to be socialist and in the later 1970s sought to reorder the government in his favour. In 1978 one of the most bizarre incidents in modern history occurred in Guyana when some 900 members of a religious community known as the Peoples Temple committed mass suicide in their Jonestown commune at the behest of their leader, Jim Jones. In 1980, under a new constitution that provided for a unicameral legislature, Burnham became executive president, with still wider powers, after an election in which international observers detected widespread fraud. Two major assassinations also occurred during this time—Jesuit priest and journalist Bernard Darke was killed in July 1979, and prominent historian and political leader Walter Rodney was murdered in June 1980. Many observers accused Burnham of involvement in the killings. In the following years Burnham faced an economy shattered by the depressed demand for bauxite and sugar and a restive populace suffering from severe commodity shortages and a near breakdown of essential public services. Burnham enforced austerity measures, and he began leaning toward Soviet-bloc countries for support. When he died in 1985, Burnham was succeeded by the prime minister, Hugh Desmond Hoyte, who pledged to continue Burnham’s policies. In elections held that year, Hoyte won the presidency by a wide margin, but once again charges of vote fraud were raised. In the late 1980s Hoyte gradually shifted away from Burnham’s ideology, denouncing communism and granting more rights to the Guyanese. His administration, confronting worsening financial and economic problems, moved to liberalize the economy. He also bowed to pressure for electoral reform, and elections held in 1992 were considered free and fair by international observers. The PPP triumphed in the elections, and Jagan became president. In contrast to the strong socialist views he had held decades earlier, Jagan now advocated policies more conducive to democratization and economic reform. After Jagan’s death in 1997, his wife, Janet Jagan, was elected president in elections held later that year. The PNC disputed the results of the elections, however, and many demonstrations and protests ensued. Janet Jagan stepped down in 1999, attributing her resignation to ill health. Bharrat Jagdeo of the PPP was appointed president; he was reelected in 2001 and again in 2006. Bonham C. Richardson Jack K. Menke Jagdeo’s administration was beset with numerous difficulties. The PNC staged more protests after the 2001 parliamentary elections, when it seemed to many that the PPP would continue to win control of the government simply because their constituency, mainly South Asians, was the majority population in the country. A violent crime spree, fueled by political unrest, broke out in 2002 following the escape of five convicts from Georgetown Prison. In 2005 severe flooding killed dozens of people and destroyed large amounts of the rice and sugarcane crops. Prospects brightened in September 2007 when a United Nations international tribunal settled a long-standing maritime boundary dispute between Guyana and Suriname by granting Guyana the far-larger share of the Guyana-Suriname Basin in contention. A new boundary was drawn, and soon afterward offshore oil exploration was begun there. Despite his apprehension, Jagdeo signed a trade agreement with the European Union in 2008; he hoped to increase economic stability and strengthen international relations. Guyana continued to struggle with violent crime, ethnic tensions, and episodic political unrest, but the economy improved, as the government invested in the agriculture and forestry sectors, in offshore oil exploration, and in new roads and bridges. Jack K. Menke Jagdeo was constitutionally prohibited from running for a third term, and in November 2011 Donald Ramotar of the PPP was elected president. That year, however, his party and its junior coalition partner, the Civic Party, subsequently lost their majority in the National Assembly when a coalition was formed by A Partnership for National Unity (APNU)—an alliance comprising the People’s National Congress Reform (PNCR; a reconstituted PNC, including the former Reform Party) and several smaller parties—and the Alliance for Change (AFC) party. APNU-AFC’s single-vote majority, combined with the PPP’s continued control of the presidency, resulted in a period of legislative gridlock. In November 2014 Ramotar, fearing an imminent no-confidence vote in response to some $22.5 million of spending without parliamentary approval, prorogued parliament. Although the constitution allowed the president to suspend parliament for up to six months, the opposition accused him of acting dictatorially. In the national election in May 2015 the combined APNU-AFC slate garnered some 207,000 votes compared with about 201,000 for the PPP, meaning that the presidency went to the coalition’s candidate, publisher and former general David Granger. Ramotar protested the results, but international observers declared the election to be free and fair. The stakes in Guyanese politics were raised in 2015 by the discovery of a rich oil field in the country’s offshore waters. By the end of 2020, another 17 underwater fields had been discovered in Guyana’s Stabroek Block in the Atlantic, promising to transform the country’s economy into one of the fastest-growing in the world as Guyana entered a partnership with Exxon, which had made the discoveries. Both APNU-AFC and the PPP jockeyed for position to control the development of the new industry and the disposition of the wealth portended by the oil boom. Criticized for not acting quickly enough to regulate the oil industry, Granger’s government lost a vote of confidence by the narrowest of margins (33–32) in December 2018. Instead of scheduling an election within the three-month period mandated by the constitution, however, the ruling coalition sought to have the vote of confidence overturned in the courts. Ultimately, its efforts proved futile, and, after much wrangling, an election was set for early March 2020. The election sparked its own controversy when Granger’s claim of victory was challenged in the wake of obvious election fraud. A 100-day-long national recount followed and revealed the PPP to have been the winner by a margin of about 15,000 votes. Once again APNU-AFC challenged the results in court, and for some five months Granger balked at handing over power. Finally, responding to intense international pressure, he stepped aside, and in early August 2020 Mohamed Irfaan Ali of the PPP became Guyana’s president. Score: https://www.britannica.com/place/Guyana/Independence
Czytaj więcej2021/02/23
Spotkanie z Dyrektorem KSW Martinem Lewandowskim
W piątek 12 lutego w Ambasadzie Republiki Chorwacji Ambasador Tomislav Vidošević spotkał się z dyrektorem największej europejskiej organizacji mieszanych sztuk walki. (Mixed Martial Arts, MMA), KSW ( Konfrontacja Sztuk Walki) Martinem Lewandowskim. Podczas serdecznej rozmowy M. Lewandowski wyraził słowa uznania dla zawodników chorwackich walczących w ramach tej organizacji, których walki emitowane są do 42 krajów na świecie, przez co promują oni nasz kraj.
Czytaj więcej2021/02/22
Prórroga de suspensión de vuelos al Perú del 15 de febrero hasta el 28 de febrero provenientes de destinos con una duración mayor a 8 horas y del Brasil
Con relación al Aviso No. 45, la Sección Consular de la Embajada del Perú en Polonia informa sobre la publicación de la Resolución Ministerial No. 111-2021-MTC/01 mediante la cual se prorroga hasta el 28 de febrero de 2021 la suspensión de los vuelos de pasajeros provenientes de los destinos con una duración mayor a ocho (8) horas, y de la República Federativa de Brasil.
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O wycieczce na Podlasie
15 lutego 2021 roku pracownicy Ambasady i Centrum Kultury Białorusi przebywali w Województwie Podlaskim w celu spotkań z przedstawicielami białoruskich organizacji społecznych oraz instytucji oświaty i kultury. Wizyta miała miejsce w ramach planowanej zmiany kierownictwa Centrum Kultury Białorusi. Zamiast Ilony Jurewicz, która kończy swoją misję dyplomatyczną w Polsce, na czele Centrum stanie Siergiej Bałaszczenko.
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Higher Education Virtual Expo 2021 Brunei Darussalam
Join the first Higher Education Virtual Expo 2021 starting 15 February until 21 February 2021 from 9.00 am to 5.00 pm. Visit exhibitors' virtual booth, chat live, meet one on one via video conferecing and join our webinar representatives from Ministry of Education, public and private agencies and Higher Local Institutions. Members of the public who wish to participate in the expo may register online through the Higher Education Expo portal at heexpo.moe.gov.bn
Czytaj więcej2021/02/19
Drogi lodowe w Finlandii
Podczas mroźnych zim w Finlandii powstają uważnie monitorowane oficjalne drogi lodowe, zapewniające przydatne skróty między wyspami a lądem. Na zdjęciu jedna z nich, rozciągająca się na długości 7 kilometrów od Koli do Vuonislahti we wschodniej Finlandii. Lód musi mieć minimalną grubość 40 cm, a kierowcy zobowiązani są do przestrzegania przepisów bezpieczeństwa. Nie wolno przekraczać prędkości, zatrzymywać się lub wyprzedzać
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Atrakcje Parku Narodowego Akan Mashu na wyspie Hokkaido
W Parku Narodowym Akan Mashu na wyspie Hokkaido głównymi atrakcjami są ogromne jeziora wulkaniczne, szczególnie Akan i Mashū. Ponieważ północ Japonii to tereny tradycyjnie zamieszkałe przez lud Ainu, wiele można przy okazji dowiedzieć się o ich kulturze i tradycjach. Zachęcamy do obejrzenia materiału filmowego, który poświęcony jest temu parkowi narodowemu (w języku angielskim):
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Otwarcie rond przy współpracy polsko-białoruskiej w Białej Podlaskiej
Wicewojewoda lubelski Robert Gmitruczuk uczestniczył w uroczystym otwarciu rond na skrzyżowaniu drogi krajowej nr 2 z ul. Terebelską i z Al. Solidarności w Białej Podlaskiej. Projekt transgraniczny współfinansowany był ze środków Europejskiego Instrumentu Sąsiedztwa w ramach Programu Współpracy Transgranicznej Polska-Białoruś-Ukraina 2014-2020. Przedsięwzięcie jest efektem współpracy partnerskiej miasta Biała Podlaska i miasta Brześć. Celem projektu była poprawa dostępności transportowej regionów przygranicznych i rozwój transportu przyjaznego środowisku, który składał się z prac budowalnych po stronie polskiej i białoruskiej oraz wspólnie realizowanych działań promocyjnych i pogłębiających współpracę transgraniczną.
Czytaj więcej2021/02/19
Independence Day of the Republic of Gambia
The Gambia, country in western Africa situated on the Atlantic coast and surrounded by the neighbouring country of Senegal. It occupies a long narrow strip of land that surrounds the Gambia River. The land is flat and is dominated by the river, which is navigable throughout the length of the country. The peculiar shape and size of the country are the result of territorial compromises made during the 19th century by Great Britain, which controlled the lower Gambia River, and France, which ruled the neighbouring colony of Senegal. Periodic talks in the 20th century to unite The Gambia and Senegal led to the short-lived Senegambia confederation (1982–89). The Gambia is Africa’s smallest nonisland country. It is also one of Africa’s most densely populated countries. A few towns are located upriver, but most Gambians live in rural villages. The major ethnic groups are similar to those in Senegal and consist of the majority Malinke and also include Wolof, Fulani (Fulbe), Diola (Jola), and Soninke peoples. The Gambian economy is heavily dependent on peanut (groundnut) production and export. The country is known for the beaches along its small Atlantic coastline and for being home to Jufureh (Juffure), the reputed ancestral village of Kunta Kinte, the main character in Alex Haley’s well-known novel Roots. The capital, Banjul (called Bathurst until 1973), is situated where the Gambia River flows into the Atlantic Ocean. ….Precolonial history This discussion focuses on The Gambia since the late 15th century. For a treatment of earlier periods and of the country in its regional context, see western Africa, history of. Gambian history before the arrival of Europeans has been preserved to some degree in oral traditions. Its history is closely tied to that of neighbouring Senegal, since it was only in the late 19th century that a distinction was made between Senegal and The Gambia; until that time the region is often referred to as Senegambia. The Malinke and Wolof kingdoms, fully established by the 19th century, were still in the formative stages when the Venetian explorer Alvise Ca’ da Mosto (Cadamosto)—in the service of Portugal’s Prince Henry the Navigator—arrived in 1455. The Malinke were the westernmost peoples of the old Mali empire. The Wolof probably migrated from the Songhai regions, and the Fulani pastoralists were part of a migration from the Futa Toro. Although locally powerful, none of the small Gambian kingdoms were ever strong enough to dominate Senegambia. Continuing internecine warfare made it easy for the French and British to dominate the territory. European colonization The first Europeans in the Gambia River regions, the Portuguese, established trading stations in the late 1400s but abandoned them within a century. Trade possibilities in the next two centuries drew English, French, Dutch, Swedish, and Courlander trading companies to western Africa. A struggle ensued throughout the 18th century for prestige in Senegambia between France and England, although trade was minimal, and no chartered company made a profit. This changed in 1816 when Capt. Alexander Grant was sent to the region to reestablish a base from which the British navy could control the slave trade. He purchased Banjul Island (St. Mary’s) from the king of Kombo, built barracks, laid out a town, and set up an artillery battery to control access to the river. The town, Bathurst (now Banjul), grew rapidly with the arrival of traders and workers from Gorée and upriver. The Gambia was administered as a part of British West Africa from 1821 to 1843. It was a separate colony with its own governor until 1866, when control was returned to the governor-general at Freetown, Sierra Leone, as it would remain until 1889. British domination of the riverine areas seemed assured after 1857, but the increasing importance of peanut cultivation in Senegal prompted a new imperialism. By 1880 France controlled Senegal; in the 1870s the British attempted twice to trade the Gambia to France, but opposition at home and in the Gambia foiled these plans. Complicating matters was the series of religious conflicts, called the Soninke-Marabout Wars, lasting a half century. Only one Muslim leader, Maba, emerged who could have unified the various kingdoms, but he was killed in 1864. By 1880 the religious aspect had all but disappeared, and the conflicts were carried on by war chiefs such as Musa Mollah, Fodi Silla, and Fodi Kabba. British protectorate As a result of a conference in Paris in 1889, France ceded control of the Gambia River to Britain, and the present-day boundaries of the Gambia were drawn. In 1900 Britain imposed indirect rule on the interior, or protectorate (established in 1894), dividing it into 35 chiefdoms, each with its own chief. The real power was concentrated in the British governor and his staff at Bathurst. Except for some trouble with slave-raiding chiefs, the Gambia enjoyed peace after its separation from Sierra Leone. Slavery was abolished throughout the protectorate in 1906. During World War II the Gambia contributed soldiers for the Burmese campaign and was used as an air-staging post. Independence Political parties were late in developing, but by 1960 there were several demanding independence. Britain, believing that eventually the Gambia would merge with Senegal, gave the territory revised constitutions in 1954, 1960, and 1962 and finally granted it independence within the Commonwealth in February 1965. The Gambia became a republic on April 24, 1970. The first president, Sir Dawda Jawara, head of the People’s Progressive Party (PPP), was returned in all elections after 1972. In 1981 an attempt to overthrow the government was put down with the aid of Senegalese troops after heavy fighting in Banjul. In the aftermath, leaders of both countries created the confederation of Senegambia. This plan called for each state to retain independence of action in most areas, but military and economic resources were to be integrated. A Senegambian executive and legislature were also established, but the confederation was dissolved in 1989. The Gambia faced serious economic problems during the early 1980s. Foreign donors began to refuse aid requests, and food and fuel shortages, common in the rural areas, started affecting Banjul. In 1985 the government initiated a series of austerity measures and reforms that moved the government toward a more disciplined fiscal and monetary policy. The reform program improved The Gambia’s overall economic outlook, and foreign assistance once again returned. For the vast majority of peasant farmers, however, there was virtually no change in their harsh economic plight, with bad harvests and falling peanut prices continuing throughout the 1980s. Yet Jawara and the PPP easily won reelection in 1987 and 1992, although opposition parties gained some support in each election. Political change In July 1994 a group of young army officers led by Capt. (later Col.) Yahya Jammeh staged a bloodless coup, justifying it by citing the corruption and mismanagement of Jawara and the PPP. The Senegalese government did not intervene as it had done in 1981, and Jawara went into exile. The military leaders promised a return to civilian rule once corruption had been eliminated but meanwhile ruled by proclamation. Dissent was brutally repressed, and political activity was banned until August 1996. Presidential elections were held late that year, with elections for the National Assembly following in early 1997. Jammeh, now retired from the military, was elected president, and his political party, the Alliance for Patriotic Reorientation and Construction (APRC), dominated the National Assembly. A new constitution, approved by voters in 1996, came into effect after the legislative elections. The return to civilian rule improved The Gambia’s international reputation; aid organizations that had left after the coup began assisting the country once again. The Gambia sent peacekeeping forces into war-ravaged Liberia and worked on improving relations with Senegal, though areas along the border on the upper river remained in dispute. Eventually, though, signs of domestic discord appeared. Jammeh’s rule became increasingly authoritative, and by 1998 the corruption he had pledged to eliminate was evident in his own administration. Media freedom was restricted, and an increasing number of human rights abuses were cited by international observers. Jammeh’s administration was the subject of coup attempts in 2000, 2006, and 2014, which, although unsuccessful, underlined the growing discontent in the country. Still, Jammeh was reelected in 2001 and 2006 in elections deemed generally free and fair, though with some flaws. His reelection in 2011 was denounced by the opposition, while the opinions of international organizations were mixed. The African Union, while noting some shortcomings with the electoral process and evidence of a media bias in favour of Jammeh, still found the election to be generally free and fair. The Economic Community of West African States (ECOWAS), however, refused to even send a monitoring group to the election, stating that its preelection fact-finding mission found evidence of intimidation and government control of the media and that a free and fair election would not be possible. As human rights complaints increased in the following years, especially with regards to the treatment of journalists, political opponents, and individuals accused of engaging in homosexual behaviour, Jammeh retreated from some international bodies, initiating a withdrawal from the Commonwealth in 2013 and the International Criminal Court in 2016. In late 2015 he declared The Gambia to be an Islamic republic, although the legality of his decision was called into question, since he did not change the country’s constitution, which stated that The Gambia was a secular republic. Jammeh cited a need to distance the country from its colonial past as a reason for the aforementioned decisions, although critics accused him of citing colonialism to draw attention away from human rights issues and the poor economic conditions in the country. On a positive note, Jammeh banned the widely criticized practice of female genital cutting in November 2015; a law to enforce the ban was passed the next month. The months leading up to the December 2016 election were tense: two opposition members died while in the custody of Gambian security forces, and at least 30 more were arrested and given prison sentences. International rights groups and other bodies cautioned that the upcoming election would not be free or fair, and ECOWAS again refused to send a monitoring group. For the first time, however, several opposition groups rallied to support just one candidate, Adama Barrow; the newly united opposition posed the greatest threat to Jammeh in his 22 years of rule. A former ruling party member, Mamma Kandeh, was the third candidate in the election. Prior to the poll, Jammeh announced that postelection demonstrations would be banned, and on the day of the election, Internet service was cut off and international calls were blocked, adding to the already tense political climate. In a surprising turn of events, Barrow was declared the winner of the December 1 election, taking about 46 percent of the vote; Jammeh came in second, with about 37 percent. Even more surprising was Jammeh’s gracious concession to Barrow. He vowed not to contest the results and pledged to assist Barrow with the transition. Jammeh’s acceptance of the election results did not last long, however. Less than a week after the results were released, the electoral commission revised the results because of a tabulation error that had been found and corrected. Barrow still had the most votes, but his margin of victory was reduced to winning 43.29 percent to Jammeh’s 39.64 percent. Jammeh then rejected the results and called for a new election. His actions were immediately condemned by the international community, which recognized Barrow as the winner of the election. On December 13 the ruling party, Jammeh’s APRC, filed a petition with the Supreme Court, asking for the election results to be declared void, and Jammeh continued to maintain that he would not stand down. Efforts by ECOWAS to peacefully mediate the political standoff continued into January 2017 but to no avail. Also that month, the Supreme Court said that it would not be able to hear the APRC’s case until May or November, when the court, which was composed of foreign judges, would be available to meet. As the January 19 inauguration date grew nearer, both sides took action. Barrow prepared to take office, and ECOWAS assembled troops along the Gambian border, ready to act if Jammeh did not stand down at the end of his mandated term. Meanwhile, on January 17 Jammeh declared a three-month state of emergency, and the next day the National Assembly extended his presidential term by three months. On January 19 Jammeh still refused to step down, and Barrow was sworn in as president in neighbouring Senegal. Later that day, with Jammeh still refusing to hand over power to Barrow, ECOWAS troops moved across the border into The Gambia. Their advance was halted before reaching Jammeh in order to allow one last attempt by mediators to convince him to change his mind. They were successful: Jammeh agreed to step down and left the country late on January 21. ECOWAS troops then secured the capital and other areas in preparation for Barrow’s return. A few days later the National Assembly ended the state of emergency and revoked the extension of Jammeh’s term. Barrow returned to The Gambia on January 26, 2017, and was greeted with crowds of cheering supporters. Now back home and with Jammeh out of the country, Barrow’s focus was on the daunting tasks of implementing the democratic reforms promised during his campaign as well as restoring political stability and working to improve the country’s economy. Score: https://www.britannica.com/place/The-Gambia/The-arts
Czytaj więcej2021/02/18